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Article from the Scottish Catholic Observer
From 'Celtic Minded 3' by Dr Joseph M Bradley. Available from all good bookshops.
The story of one of the world’s most well-known and successful football clubs, Celtic FC, is intrinsically linked with the Catholic community in west-central Scotland. In this feature on the beginnings of the club, Dr Joseph M Bradley surveys the social, economic and cultural context that accounts for that cherished link.
The well-known description ‘the dear green place’ does not, despite the obvious hint, make any reference to Celtic FC. The depiction was in fact applied to 18th century Glasgow with its small population of 20,000 and grazing animals kept on the banks of the Clyde; a river in which most people could wade across and where salmon were caught regularly. Nonetheless, the character of Glasgow began to change as the town embarked on a journey that culminated in it becoming one of the the chief commercial cities of the British Empire.
In fact, most of the subsequent wealth of the city was the result of international trade, but especially the exploitation of numerous other countries, particularly those in the Americas and West Indian colonies with their great resources of tobacco, sugar, cotton and of course, human beings. These were all aspects of the slave trade and it is to this human tragedy that Glasgow owes much of its early wealth.
The mercantile and commercial stimulus that the city experienced resulted in Glasgow becoming a magnet in attracting people from all over Scotland to provide the manpower required for a period of rapid industrialisation. Significant urbanisation also resulted due to this change.
The city was later to be known as the 'Workshop of the World' and 'Second City of the Empire'. By the beginning of the 19th century the population had risen to 77,000, by 1821 almost 150,000 and, by 1851, it had become Scotland's largest city with 330,000 inhabitants. By this time the British economy, despite experiencing uncontrolled booms and slumps, was the most 'successful' in the world, although the meaning and nature of the term 'success' is subjectable as well as contestable, not least of all in moral terms when one considers that much of this 'achievement' was being built on the suffering and deaths of many in 'the colonies' and nearer home.
For example, alongside the prosperity and rich and lavish lifestyles of those who owned the means of production, the era also threw up a hell on earth for most others. David Bremner wrote about some of the resulting conditions of the time. On visiting Coatbridge, a Lanarkshire town on the outskirts of Glasgow, he spoke of a sprawling frontier settlement built around iron works, where the sky was lit up at night and there was heavy and relentless work endured by the workforce, a majority of them of Irish immigrant stock. Lanarkshire and Glasgow offered a hard life for many and in 1877 poor working conditions helped cause the Blantyre Mining Disaster in which 207 miners lost their lives.
Glasgow's new population came from all over the country, especially from the Scottish Highlands. Most of these native Scots were of the Protestant faith but a small number were Catholic and this reflected in the opening of a Catholic Chapel in 1792 in Argyll Street for the few hundred Catholic highlanders in the city.
This was the first Catholic Chapel opened in the fiercely anti-Catholic city for around 250 years. Indeed, there had been a series of anti-Catholic riots in Glasgow just a few years previous to the opening of the new chapel.
However it was the influx of Catholics from Ireland from the period of the Great Famine until just before the First World War in particular that changed the social, cultural and ethnic and religious face of Glasgow and the west-central belt of Scotland, and of course, gave rise to Celtic Football Club.
From being a tiny organisation geographically and numerically limited to a few parts of the Highlands, especially in South Uist and Banffshire, the Catholic Church in Scotland was transformed with the influx of Irish Catholics and, from the 1840/1850s, Catholic churches began to be built by the immigrants in Glasgow, Lanarkshire and to the west in Greenock and Dumbarton in particular.
Part of the importance of this is that but for this development there would be no Celtic Football Club in the present. In addition, it is from these areas of Irish settlement in Scotland that most of Celtic's main support base can be found even to this day.
Early in the 19th century a few thousand Irish Catholics had begun to make their way to the Glasgow area, in the main as seasonal workers and cheap labour.
This small-scale immigration changed with the Great Hunger (an Gorta Mor) of 1845-51 when 100,000 Irish arrived in the Glasgow area, spreading refugees from the most appalling human catastrophe in 19th century Europe. For the rest of the 19th Century and into the 20th thousands more destitute Irish would join them. As the Irish and their offspring filled out throughout the city and its environs eventually the coalmines, shipbuilding and iron and steel industries all gladly received their share of this influx of cheap labour.
For those who survived the Great Hunger, the horrific conditions experienced on the journey to Scotland as well as the remnants of disease and ongoing poverty, what faced them and to an enormous degree their subsequent generations in Scotland, was a life in overcrowded disease infested accommodation as well as the lowest rungs in the ladder that comprised the employment hierarchy.
As a result of the Great Hunger, by 1851 almost 20 per cent of Glasgow's population had been born in Ireland with the peak of Irish born in Scotland being found in the decade of Celtic's birth in the 1880s. Primarily as a result of the Irish influx Catholicism began to re-emerge in Scotland and as Catholic churches began to open so also did Catholic charities start to spring up. Once again this development was also crucial to the ideas and ethos that gave rise to Celtic Football Club.
The St Vincent de Paul Society was founded in Scotland in 1846 amongst the Irish Catholic poor of Edinburgh before rapidly spreading throughout the Catholic population of the urban west central belt. Its aim was to succour the poor in spiritual and material ways. The Catholic Men's Society was introduced to Scotland from Ireland in the 1850s, The League of The Cross begun in the 1870s and other such Catholic organisations as the 19th century progressed.
As Catholics fought to establish their civil rights in Scotland, and, with an absence or lack of state relief, at this time abject poverty could mean deportation back to Ireland - even if a person had been born in Scotland for ten or more years.
During this time inducements existed that might have provided avenues of escapes from such dire circumstances for some immigrant Irish Catholics and their families. For example, some people not of the Catholic faith used these conditions as an enticement towards proselytisation. This meant that some poor Catholics were offered a lifeline to keep them alive if they became Protestants. Often these enticements consisted of not much more than food or soup for the family such was the depressing state of affairs at the time.
It was experiences such as these that Celtic's most significant founder, the Marist brother Walfrid, would address in his own influential way.
With the development of 19th and 20th century capitalism, the concomitant processes of urbanisation, industrialisation and the rise in population, these changes yielded great extremes of wealth and poverty. In such an environment it is not difficult to see how the growth of organised sport, particularly football for the working classes, would represent a bright light in the dark lives of many people.
By the 1860s and 1870s, the vertically segregated residential pattern of pre-modern urban Scotland in which different social classes occupied the various storeys of the same tenement had been replaced by a horizontally segregated residential pattern.
Inner-city Glasgow was abandoned to the poor. In the infamous Drygate area of Glasgow, next to the modern High Street and only a couple of miles from today’s Celtic Park, an incredible density of people existed that could only shorten the lives of its inhabitants. One thousand people to an acre (less than half the size of the modern Celtic pitch) was the pattern in an area where contagious diseases, poverty, unemployment, malnourishment and premature death flourished in such confined conditions.
Not surprisingly, Glasgow experienced recurring disease epidemics. In this part of Glasgow’s east end lived the predecessors of a good number of today’s Celtic support. It was also to this environment into which Brother Walfrid and his compatriots infringed.
During the period of Celtic’s founding famous Glasgow hospitals such as the Western and Victorian Infirmaries were established. Despite this advance and the provision of some support for the poor on the part of the Board of Supervision and Poor Relief, the vast majority of Glasgow’s poor had no safety net. This was at a time when medical science had no answers to the tuberculosis, whooping cough and measles that contributed to the persistence of appalling mortality rates amongst infants.
This ‘massacre of the innocents’ was reflected in a Scottish infant mortality rate (the annual average number of deaths under the age of one per 1000 live births) of 120 in the 1850s and 129 in the 1890s. Improved nutrition, cleaner water and more efficient sewerage systems were still in the future. For example, Loch Katrine’s fine water had still to be fed into Glasgow.
At the time of Celtic’s founding almost one third of houses in Scotland had only one room. Overcrowding was particularly bad in Glasgow’s poorer areas that were not solely, but were disproportionately filled by Catholics who had come from Ireland. This was often replicated throughout parts of Lanarkshire and elsewhere. Ironically, for many this was even better than the miserable existence they and their families had experienced in Ireland itself. Today many people in developing countries eke out existences for themselves making wages that contemporary workers in Scotland would not recognise as adequate and proper. However, for a huge number of the people reading these pages they will have had grandparents and great-grandparents who in 1887/88 would have formed the almost 27 per cent of the adult male workforce in Glasgow who earned no more than the basic minimum of £1 per week.
Add this to a large family of possibly eight, ten or twelve children and further exacerbated by the factor of the uncertain employment patterns that most of the Irish unskilled workmen faced. Many people in Glasgow, particularly those in the east end, lived in some of the worst housing in Europe and almost half the families lived in single rooms. It would be the middle of the 20th century before town planners began to devise ways to disperse Glasgow’s dense population. It is no surprise that life was very demanding for many people in Scotland, particularly for the poor that comprised the Irish in the west central belt. Indeed, these are some of the very conditions that were identified by Seebohm Rowntree and Charles Booth in their seminal research that led the way to some dramatic changes in public attitudes with regards poverty, the reasons why it existed as well as some of the possible solutions. From such reports eventually emerged the National Health Service. At the time of Celtic’s founding in 1887/88, the life expectancy for men in Scotland was 42 and for women 45: life expectancies typical in the ‘Third World.’ The reality was that once a person had survived infancy then they had a better chance of survival, although large numbers of children of school age died of diphtheria, scarlet fever, measles or whooping cough and many were crippled for life by rickets caused by a lack of sunlight and proper diet. More than one in every four children died before the age of five. Around two in five did not make it to the age of 25. Around six out of a thousand pregnancies ended with the death of the mother. Ironically, by the time of Celtic’s founding, Glasgow was well on its way to becoming the shipbuilding capital of the world: the Clyde producing almost a fifth of the world’s shipping output by the time of the First World War. But it has always been the case that wealth and poverty can exist side by side.
In 1888, the year that Celtic played its first match against Glasgow Rangers the City Chambers in George Square was opened. The new municipal headquarters consciously paraded Glasgow’s global achievements in an era of imperial rivalry. The chambers was open amidst much ceremonial pomp by Queen Victoria who had reigned over Kingdom during the time of the Great Hunger in Ireland.
Where the chambers were located was of course at the head of the city centre’s George Square area: a lavish statement describing Scotland’s status as the junior partner in the great project that was the British Empire. Just a few hundred yards away to the east lay the great wastes of humanity that existed as Glasgow’s poor and destitute: a mile away lay the deprivation and degradation that enveloped the area around Celtic Park.
In electoral politics the 19th century had been a long hard struggle for those who were concerned with popular representation in Britain’s political life.
The First Reform Act in 1832 heralded a great breakthrough while in 1868 the Second Reform Act admitted a large swathe of urban working-class men on to the electoral register. The Third Act of 1884/85 extended the franchise to the rural counterpart of the urban working class. For many ‘men’ at this time politics were important to their everyday lives and of course politics and political activity was to be crucial in the stimulus and the coming together of the men who founded and gave birth to Celtic FC.
As well as significant involvement in the developing British union and electoral politics of the time, for Irish Catholic immigrants in Scotland during the period of Celtic’s birth and first few decades of existence, it was Fenianism, the cause of Irish ‘Home Rule’ and Irish independence that pre-occupied many of their minds.
Many of the first supporters of Celtic would have been involved in, or would have had family involved in, several of the 19th century struggles for ‘Irish freedom.’ For example, Pat Welsh, one of Celtic’s main founding fathers was a Fenian in Ireland while Celtic patron Michael Davitt was also a member and had been imprisoned for his revolutionary activities. Mr Davitt later turned to constitutional means to acquire Ireland’s liberation and became a founder of the Land League in Ireland as well as an Irish Parliamentary Party MP in London.
Politically, up until the 1880s most of Glasgow Corporation leaders were Liberals. But this was to change as the 20th century began to unfold. Importantly, the political consciousness and awareness that Irish Catholics either brought to Glasgow or developed there eventually gave rise to a significant involvement with Labour politics.
Glasgow’s County Waterford born socialist John Wheatley (1869-1930), founder of the Catholic Socialist Society and future British Government minister, was a major figure in bringing around the immigrants and their offspring to establishing a deep and long lasting relationship with the British Labour Party that although somewhat changed and challenged in recent years, remains exceptional to this day.
The social and economic conditions of the 19th and early 20th centuries, as well as the story of Irish Catholic migration to Glasgow and other areas of west central Scotland, reminds us about the essence of Celtic.
In addition, although Irish and Catholic are at the core of Celtic’s and its supporters’ identities, so also is the fact that it is rightly a club open to people of other ethnic and religious backgrounds and has always welcomed them as officials, players and supporters. Celtic’s triumphs can never be simply classed as ‘football’ achievements. They have been community accomplishments. As intended by its various Irish founders, Celtic became for many a means by which the human dignity of a Catholic community otherwise excluded from social recognition and affirmation came to be proclaimed. Through their attitudes, beliefs, behaviour and practices, genuine Celtic supporters maintain Brother Walfrid’s legacy and continue to pass it through the generations. For many people, the real value and meaning of being a supporter of Celtic goes far beyond the football pitch.
‘Celtic Minded 3’ by Dr Joseph M Bradley
Essays on religion, politics, society, identity and football.

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